The people of Delhi cast their votes for the 2025 Legislative Assembly elections today— 5th February, 2025— in what analysts believe could be a defining moment for India’s political climate.
With the incumbent Aam Aadmi Party’s (AAP) dwindling popularity, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) expanding stronghold in key sections of the electorate— particularly among upper-caste upper-middle-class Hindus— and the near-elimination of the Indian National Congress (INC) in Delhi’s political environment, the race for the Union Territory’s 70 seats is tightly contested.
A substantial number of Ashoka University’s students and staff have a stake in Delhi’s political environment; being either inhabitants or connected to other Delhi-based bodies such as student or social organisations.
Hailing from a broad range of constituencies and social classes, they expressed a range of opinions on the candidates, with some putting their faith in the BJP after the AAP’s controversies, and others expressing their support for Kejriwal.
Student voters believe that the AAP’s focus on welfare policies has taken centre stage in their campaigning and public image. According to Karan Goel (UG’26) from the Mehrauli constituency, “...the [AAP] government does not focus a lot on religious or minority issues, rather it focuses on welfare issues. That's what their politics have been, that's how we perceive it.”
Formed only a year prior to the 2013 elections after the anti-corruption movement, the AAP promised to crack down on corruption and social inequality. In the beginning, it seemed to be that way.
“When they were first elected in Delhi, I could see the difference. I could see that cleanliness was better, their promises regarding families of lower income background getting free electricity and lowering the price of water for them. It was really working,” Anand Dubey* (UG’ 28) said.
Sarah Philip* (UG’28) also described the AAP as “great,” citing “improvements in education and access to electricity.” Both students are part of the Bijwasan constituency.
This sentiment was partially echoed by Professor Subhashis Banerjee, who voted from the Malviya Nagar constituency and told The Edict that he was “impressed” with the quality of government schools in the Union Territory, staying true to the AAP’s declaration to provide equitable access to education.
Since the inaugural win for the AAP in 2015, the party has increased budget spending on education and healthcare. By 2020, after AAP won their second assembly election, the party spent 25% of its budget on education with a focus on building teaching training programs and entrepreneurship curriculum for school students. But, some reports indicate that education development is not without its limitations in Delhi.
Speaking about the improved healthcare, Banerjee added that “Delhi [was] probably the only place in the country where state government hospitals [were] usable.”
The AAP’s initial terms saw rousing success, resulting in them winning 67 out of 70 seats in the 2015 Legislative Elections, and 62 out of 70 seats in the 2020 elections.
However, some voters' faith in the AAP has reduced and they said that the party has failed to deliver on key promises, were complacent in the face of violence faced by marginalised communities, and were involved in a liquor scam—that resulted in then Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal’s arrest.
Certain voters believe that the AAP’s policies are demographically divisive, focusing primarily on underprivileged groups such as Muslims and Dalits, particularly those from the Valmiki and Jatav communities.
“They've [AAP] lost a lot of their middle income and upper middle-income demographics because a lot of their policies have been very ‘Welfare State,’ which is understandable. They're very necessary in a place like Delhi, but it also means you're not doing something for a large portion of the crowd, now,” says Aan Rakshit (UG’26) from the Greater Kailash Constituency.
“I know people who were core supporters of AAP, who don't know who to vote for now because at the end of the day, they don't know which is the lesser evil,” Dubey said. He himself has ‘lost faith’ in the ruling party.
The AAP, much like every government before them, has also failed to address the lack of drainage infrastructure and the steady deterioration of the Yamuna river. Pollution in the Yamuna had been prevalent since at least 1975, long before even the INC’s Sheila Dixit’s time as Chief Minister.
The pollution in Yamuna has only gotten worse in the last decade. When asked about this, Professor Banerjee said that pollution and cleanliness are big problems. “The pollution [is so bad] you can't breathe there. [It] is a disgrace. They're not doing anything in the last 10 to15 years,” he adds.
"For the pollution, both the Centre and the state governments are to be blamed," he said.
Places like Mehrauli were heavily affected by the 2024 floods. Goel attributes this to the drainage infrastructure, which the State Government and Central Government have failed to address because they are at constant odds with each other.
In the Okhla constituency, meanwhile, improper drainage has also resulted in sewage overflowing into places like Jogabai Extension and Batla House, according to Shariq Jalal, a Teaching Fellow with the Media Studies department.
Commenting on the AAP’s engagement with minority voices, Jalal talks about his constituency in Okhla, “Muslim community of Okhla has been politically abandoned, and is struggling to find a suitable candidate. Their primary motto is to find someone who is least harmful for the community. In that context AAP candidate Amanatulla Khan is suitable. Though Khan is not popular as a candidate in the area, the policies of his party like reduced electric bill, mohalla clinic, etc. are popular among Okhla residents.”
Jalal estimates that Ohkla's All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) candidate Shifa Ur Rehman does not draw the popular vote but is considered as someone who will divide the votes of the area.
Some quarters in the community have sympathy for him, he adds. With candidates contesting from only two constituencies, the AIMIM remains relatively obscure in Delhi, and the INC’s Ariba Khan is perceived as not having done enough to gain favour with voters.
It was also pointed out that having the same government ruling Delhi and the central government can raise questions of its autonomy. “It's really important for Delhi to have its own voice in terms of legislature,” says Rakshit.
“Honestly, it's as simple as I'm going to vote for: democracy,” Philip affirms.
Delhi’s population seems to have little faith in the leadership of the INC. Last election, it failed to win even a single seat. Rakshit correlates this with the resignation of Sheila Dixit, Delhi’s longest-serving CM who led the INC to three consecutive assembly victories: “They literally can't have a lower share of the electorate supporting them…[..]... Congress has no leadership left in the centre or in Delhi.”
A closer vote margin between AAP and BJP has been widely predicted. “I predict that the BJP will do better than last time…I predict that the AAP will still win but the Congress will also improve slightly. So the AAP's absolute majority will reduce a little bit,” adds Shailendra Pratap* (UG’ 27) from Shakur Basti constituency.
It appears that AAP’s loosening grip on Delhi coupled with a lack of strong competition from Congress sets the stage for BJP regaining footing in the region.
Overall, polling day in Delhi seems to concern itself less with picking a candidate that best represents them, and more with picking ‘the lesser of three evils.’
*Pseudonyms have been provided to some sources to preserve their anonymity.
(Edited by Aditya Roy and Keerthana Panchanathan)
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